Agen Tiket Pesawat di Kutai Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.
Agen Tiket Pesawat di Malang Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.
Agen Tiket Pesawat di Yogyakarta Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.
Agen Tiket Pesawat di Bandung Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.
Agen Tiket Pesawat di Pontianak Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.
Agen Tiket Pesawat di Samarinda Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.
Agen Tiket Pesawat di Palembang Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.
saco-indonesia.com, Gempa yang disertai petir yang telah mengakibatkan dentuman di sekitar lereng Gunung Merbabu tepatnya di Des
saco-indonesia.com, Gempa yang disertai petir yang telah mengakibatkan dentuman di sekitar lereng Gunung Merbabu tepatnya di Desa Sumogawe, Kecamatan Getasan, Kabupaten Semarang, Jawa Tengah Senin (17/2) kemarin pagi sempat mengagetkan warga setempat. Tetapi, Badan Penanggulangan Bencana Daerah (BPBD) Jawa Tengah telah memastikan hal itu bukan karena aktivitas Gunung Merbabu.
"Kami juga sudah melakukan koordinasi setelah mendengar informasi tersebut. Saya langsung hubungi Mas Bandriyo (Kepala BPPTK Yogyakarta) dari pos pemantauan Merapi. Tapi Merapi Aman, Merbabu juga aman," kata Kepala BPBD Jawa Tengah, Sarwa Pramana, saat dikonfirmasi Senin (17/2).
Sarwa juga telah menjelaskan soal muncul dan terdengarnya suara dentuman yang menurutnya bukan berasal dari Gunung Merbabu. Tetapi, dentuman itu adalah suara lain yang kebetulan telah terjadi bersamaan adanya gempa lokal atau getaran.
"Dentuman itu belum dapat diketahui asalnya. Mungkin suara lain tapi bersamaan dengan getaran," ujar Sarwa.
Sebelumnya, gempa yang berkekuatan cukup besar disertai sambaran kilat telah terjadi di sekitar lereng Gunung Merbabu, tepatnya di Dusun Piji dan Krajan, Desa Sumogawe, Kecamatan Getasan, Kabupaten Semarang, Jawa Tengah, sekitar pukul 06.00 WIB. Akibat gempa itu, 17 rumah warga telah mengalami rusak sedang dan puluhan lainnya rusak ringan.
Rumah yang telah mengalami rusak sedang adalah milik Supanggih (50 tahun) warga RT 10 / RW 5, Dusun Piji, Desa Sumogawe, Suwarji (51 tahun) warga RT 01 / RW 02 Dusun Krajan, Desa Sumogawe, serta Sidik Sumarni (70 tahun) dan Wiwit(40 tahun) yang keduanya juga merupakan warga RT 05 / RW 02 Dusun Krajan.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
MOBIL SEDAN COROLLA GENERASI KE GENERASI
1. Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi Pertama E10 Series (1966-1970)
Mobil Sedan Corolla
Mobil Sedan Corolla pertama kali dipasarkan dan mendulang sukses di Amerika pada tahun 1968. Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi pertama terdiri dari beberapa varian seperti mobil kecil sederhana bermesin 2K 1100 cc yang diberi kode KE10 untuk sedan, KE15 untuk coupe, dan KE16 untuk Wagon. Model facelift yang hadir pada tahun 1969 bermesin 3K 1200 cc diberi kode KE11 untuk Sedan, KE18 untuk Wagon dan KE17 untuk Sprinter Coupe. diluar negara Jepang, negara yang pertama kali mendapatkanMobil Sedan Corolla adalah Australia.
Pada Genarasi Kedua dari Mobil Sedan Corolla ini dikenal 2 Varian yaitu KE dan TE, dengan Varian TE memiliki bentuk yang lebih sporty. Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi kedua atau 20-series ini lebih besar dari Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi pertama. Ini merupakan model Toyota yang sukses di seluruh dunia. Mesin yang digunakan adalah 3K (1200 cc), 3K-B (1200 cc dengan 2 karburator), T (1400 cc), 2T (1600 cc), dan 2T-G (1600 cc DOHC) berkemampuan tinggi. Pada tahun 1972, diperkenalkan model sport Mobil Sedan Corolla Levin dan Sprinter Trueno. Corolla Levin menjuarai Press on Regardless Rally di Amerika, dan 1000 Lakes Rally di Finlandia.
Di Indonesia, Corolla generasi ini yang pertama kali dijual ke pasar dengan model sedan 4 pintu bermesin 1200cc dan transmisi 4 speed manual.
Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi ketiga diantaranya adalah Corolla Sedan, Hardtop, dan Wagon berbasis 30-series, Sprinter Sedan 40-series. Corolla dan Sprinter Sports Coupe dan Liftback berbasis 50-series. Semua model yang menggunakan mesin dengan emisi rendah serta Toyota Total Clean (TTC), 60-series, model ini hanya dijual di Jepang.
Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi Keempat Ini merupakan Corolla terakhir untuk semua model yang menggunankan layout FR (berpenggerak roda belakang). Di Jepang banyak sekali varian dan bentuknya. Ada Sedan 2 dan 4 pintu, Hardtop, Coupe, Liftback, Station Wagon, dan Van. Mesin yang tersedia adalah 1300 cc 4K, 1500 cc 5K, 1600 cc 2T dan 2T-G(DOHC). Model di Amerika bermesin 2T-C(1600 cc) dan 3T-C(1800 cc) dengan bentuk body Sedan 2 pintu, 4 pintu, Coupe, Hardtop, Liftback, dan Wagon. Perusahaan karoseri di California ada yang membuatMobil Sedan Corolla Convertible dengan atap kanvas yang bisa dibuka berbasis Corolla Hardtop.
Di Indonesia hanya tersedia dalam variant DX 4 pintu bermesin 1300 cc 4K. Platform generasi ini juga dipakai untuk Daihatsu Charmant. Corolla DX di Indonesia tahun 1980 memiliki 4 lampu depan yg berbentuk bulat, bumper masih menggunakan besi dengan karet di kedua ujungnya, pada tahun 1981 mengalami perubahan pada lampu depan jadi bentuk petak. Model tahun 1982 mempunyai perbedaan pada lampu sen depan yg melebar ke samping dan lampu belakang baru, sedangkan tahun 1983 Corolla DX hadir dengan tachometer dan bumper urethane yang panjang.
Apakah yang terlintas dibenak anda kalau melihat sekilas foto mobil diatas ? yap tidak salah lagi pasti anda akan teringat salah satu anime jepang yang sangat populer "Initial D" , tepat fotoMobil Sedan Corolladiatas adalah Mobil Sedan Corolla tipe AE86 yang digunakan Takumi balapan digunung akina yang merupakan Mobil Sedan Corolla generasi kelima.
Pada Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi kelima ini Hanya model sport Corolla Levin dan Sprinter Trueno yang berpenggerak roda belakang, model yang lain berpenggerak roda depan. Sprinter Trueno dijual di Amerika sebagai Corolla SR5 dan GT-S. AE86 adalah kode untuk Levin dan Trueno bermesin kemampuan tinggi 4A-GE(1600 cc DOHC), yaitu GT, GT-S, GT-V, dan APEX. AE86 sangat popular dengan sebutan Hachiroku, yang berasal dari Bahasa Jepang, hachi = 8, dan roku = 6.
Di Indonesia, Mobil Sedan Corolla generasi ini yang dipasarkan secara resmi hadir dalam versi GL (AE80) dengan mesin 2A 1300 cc dan versi facelift SE Saloon (EE80) dengan mesin 2E 1300 cc.
Mulai generasi ini kebanyakan Mobil Sedan Corolla sudah bermesin Twincam 4A-F (Head sempit) atau 4A-G( Head lebar) dengan karburator atau injection. Mesin bensin 1300 cc dengan karburator dan diesel dipasang pada Corolla Sedan versi murah serta Station Wagon dan Van. Corolla Sedan juga dibuat dalam versi mewah yaitu SE Limited untuk Asia yang hampir sama dengan LE di Amerika. Mobil Sedan Corolla versi Amerika memiliki bumper yang lebih panjang dibanding versi untuk region lainnya, serta lampu indikator merah di fender belakang. Corolla GTi yang sporty dengan mesin 4A-GE dibuat dalam bentuk Hatchback, Sedan, dan Liftback.
Di Jepang, model sports coupe Corolla Levin dan Sprinter Trueno ada yang menggunakan mesin 4A-GZE dengan Supercharger. Corolla Coupe untuk Amerika sebenarnya adalah Sprinter Trueno dengan lampu depan retractable. Tersedia dalam 2 pilihan yaitu SR5 dan GT-S.
Corolla All-Trac Wagon yang memiliki body berbeda dengan Wagon biasa berbasis pada Sprinter Carib di Jepang. Mobil berkode AE95 ini merupakan model pertama Mobil SedanCorolla generasi keenam yang dijual di Australia pada tahun 1988. Corolla AE90 dan AE92 dalam bentuk Sedan, Hatchback, serta AE92 Liftback yang disebut Seca baru hadir pada tahun 1989.
Di Indonesia, model Mobil Sedan Corolla ini dikenal dengan nama Corolla Twincam, meskipun yang 1300 cc bermesin single cam (SOHC).
Tersedia 4 tipe yang resmi dipasarkan oleh Toyota Astra Motor:
1.3 SE sedan, mesin 2E (72 hp -6000 rpm)
1.6 SE Limited sedan, mesin 4A-F (94 hp - 6000 rpm, 12,9 kgm - 4000 rpm)
1.6 GTi sedan, mesin 4A-GE (140 hp - 7200 rpm; 15 kgm - 6000 rpm)
1.6 Liftback 5-door, mesin 4A-F (94 hp - 6000 rpm, 12.9 kgm - 4000 rpm)
Diluncurkan di Jepang pada pertengahan tahun 1991 dengan mesin 1300 cc 4E, 1500 cc 5E, 1600 cc 4A, dan 2000 cc diesel 2C. Model Sedan dan Coupe diproduksi sampai tahun 1995, sedangkan model Station Wagon dan Van tetap dibuat sampai tahun 2000.
Disebut Great Corolla di Indonesia dengan model SE menggunakan mesin 2E 1300 cc dan SE-G dengan mesin 4A-FE 1600 cc. 1.3 SE digantikan oleh 1.6 SE pada tahun 1994.
Model baru untuk tahun 1993 di Amerika dengan model Standard, DX, and LE Sedan, serta DX Station Wagon. Model standard bermesin 4A-FE(1600 cc), DX dan LE menggunakan mesin 7A-FE(1800 cc). Untuk tahun 1996, Mobil Sedan Corolla versi Amerika mendapat facelift dan semua model di produksi di Amerika. Model LE and Station Wagon yang di import dari Jepang tidak dijual lagi. Mobil Sedan Corolla CE (Classic Edition) mulai dipasarkan.
Di Australia, Mobil Sedan Corolla generasi ini diluncurkan pada tahun 1994, dan diproduksi secara lokal. Corolla Sedan terdiri dari model 1.6 CSi, 1.6 CSX, 1.8 CSX Conquest, and 1.8 Ultima, sedangkan Corolla Hatchback adalah 1.6 Seca CSi, 1.8 Seca Conquest, dan 1.8 Seca RV. Hanya satu model yang di import dari Jepang yaitu Corolla Sprinter Liftback.
Untuk generasi ini, Toyota membuat Mobil SedanCorolla yang berbeda untuk region yang berbeda. Versi Jepang mulai dipasarkan di Jepang pada pertengahan tahun 1995, dan beberapa negara Asia, Amerika Selatan, serta Afrika pada tahun 1996. Versi Eropa untuk Eropa dan Australia hadir pada tahun 1997. Versi Amerika hanya untuk USA dan Canada baru untuk model tahun 1998. Versi Eropa hadir dengan penampilan yang sangat berbeda dengan versi untuk region lainnya. Mobil SedanCorolla Eropa memiliki lampu depan berbentuk bulat.
Untuk di Indonesia, digunakan mesin 4A-FE (AE111 - dikenal dengan nama All New Corolla) dengan tahun edar 1996-1998 dengan variant 1.6 XLi, 1.6 SE-G, dan 1.6 S-Cruise. Model facelift bermesin 7A-FE (AE112) dengan tahun edar 1998-2001 tersedia dalam variant 1.8 XLi dan 1.8 SE-G.
Output mesin : 4A-FE : 115 hp - 6000 rpm, torsi 15 kgm - 4800 rpm. 7A-FE : 120 hp - 6000 rpm, torsi 16 kgm - 4400 rpm. Kedua mesin ini memakai teknologi Twincam 16 valve EFI
Corolla AE112 atau dikenal dengan nama New Corolla ini merupakan sedan dengan fitur terlengkap dan termewah di kelasnya saat itu. Dilengkapi dengan ABS, dual airbag, variable timing wiper, dan sebagainya.
Pada Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi Kesembilan ini, Dimensi lebih besar dari generasi sebelumnya. Ada 2 macam body untuk Sedan 4-pintu, yaitu versi Jepang yang juga dijual di Eropa dan Australia, dan Corolla Altis yang lebih besar untuk Asia Tenggara dan Amerika. Model Station Wagon disebut Corolla Fielder di Jepang, dan juga diekspor ke Australia dan Eropa.
Di Amerika, Corolla Sedan dipasarkan dalam trim level CE, S, LE, dan XRS. CE, S, dan LE bermesin 1ZZ-FE VVT-i, ZRS menggunakan mesin 2ZZ-GE VVTL-i. Corolla Matrix yang berbentuk crossover Wagon / SUV dibuat hanya untuk pasar Amerika.
Di Eropa, Corolla Hatchback 3 dan 5 pintu lebih popular dibanding Sedan dan Wagon. Juga ada Hatchback berkemampuan tinggi T-Sport bermesin 2ZZ-GE. Corolla Hatchback 5 pintu dijual di Australia dengan nama Corolla Seca, dan tersedia dalam versi Ascent, Ascent Sport, Conquest, Levin, dan Sportivo. Levin adalah versi mewah dan sporty dengan body kit, bukan coupe seperti Levin terdahulu. Sportivo adalah model berkemampuan tinggi yang sama dengan T-Sport.Mobil Sedan Corolla Sedan di Australia dipasarkan dalam versi Ascent, Conquest, dan Ultima.
Mobil Sedan Corolla Altis di Indonesia dimulai tahun 2001 sampai sekarang dan telah mengalami beberapa kali perubahan 2001-2003 : generasi 1 Altis di Indonesia. mesin 1ZZ-FE non VVT-i (128 hp - 6000 rpm, 16,3 kgm - 4400 rpm) SAE NET. Dirakit secara terurai (CKD) dari Thailand. 2004-2005 : generasi 2 Altis di Indonesia, mesin 1ZZ-FE VVT-i (136 hp - 6000 rpm, 17,4 kgm - 4200 rpm) SAE NET. Untuk versi A/T telah dilengkapi Super ECT. Mulai tipe ini dan selanjutnya diimpor secara utuh (CBU) dari Thailand. 2006-sekarang : generasi 3 Altis, dengan penambahan fitur-fitur seperti MID, Audio control di stir, dll.
Mobil Sedan Corolla terbaru yang disebut Corolla Axio, dan Station Wagon Corolla Fielder diluncurkan di Jepang pada akhir tahun 2006. Model Hatchback bernama Auris, dan yang lebih exclusive adalah Blade. Axio, Fielder, dan Auris bermesin 1.5 liter VVT-i 1NZ-FE, atau mesin baru 1.8 liter Dual VVT-i 2ZR-FE. Blade menggunakan mesin 2.4 liter VVT-i 2AZ-FE.
Corolla untuk Amerika model tahun 2009 dipasarkan mulai awal tahun 2008 dengan model Standard (paling murah), LE (menengah), S (sporty), XLE (mewah), dan XRS (sport berkemampuan tinggi). Corolla XRS menggunakan mesin 2400 cc, sedangkan model lainnya 1800 cc.
Untuk pasar di negara besar Eropa, Corolla digantikan oleh Auris. Auris berbentuk Hatchback 3 dan 5 pintu. Mesin yang digunakan adalah 1.4 dan 1.6 liter bensin, serta 2.0 dan 2.2 liter common rail diesel. Versi termahal adalah T180 yang bermesin 2.2 liter diesel. Mobil Sedan Corolla hanya dipasarkan di Irlandia and beberapa negara Eropa saja.
Di Australia, baik model Sedan maupun Hatchback tetap menggunakan nama Corolla. Trim level untuk Mobil SedanCorolla sama seperti generasi sebelumnya. Corolla Hatchback versi Australia sama dengan Auris, dan tersedia dalam trim level Ascent, Conquest, Sportivo SX, dan Sportivo ZR.
Di Indonesia, Mobil SedanCorolla terbaru ini diluncurkan pada 28 Februari 2008 dengan 3 grade, yaitu : 1.8 V A/T, 1.8 G A/T, dan 1.8 J M/T. Mesin yang digunakan tetap mesin 1ZZ-FE 1800 cc VVT-i 16 valve dengan mematuhi aturan emisi yang lebih ketat (EURO III). dilengkapi 4 speed A/T triptronic transmission dan 5 speed M/T; Fitur cruise control dapat ditemukan di 1.8 V A/T. Pada tahun 2009, Corolla dengan grade V mendapat mesin baru 3ZR-FE 2000 cc dengan Dual VVT-i, sedangkan model lainnya tetap menggunakan mesin 1800 cc.
Mobil Sedan CorollaAltis versi facelift diperkenalkan pada 2010 Indonesia International Motor Show. Semua model hadir dengan bumper, grille, dan lampu belakang baru. Model 1.8 E and 1.8 G hadir dengan mesin baru 2ZR-FE Dual VVT-i. Transmisi untuk 1.8 E adalah 6 speed manual, sedangkan 1.8 G menggunakan 5 speed CVT automatic.
Gunung Slamet waspada, PVMBG pasang alat pengukur aktivitas
Pusat Vulaknologi dan Mitigasi Bencana Geologi (PVMBG) telah mendatangkan dua alat pengukur untuk dapat mendeteksi aktivitas Gunung Slamet. Saat dihubungi melalui telepon seluler, Ketua PVMBG Ahmad Hendrasto juga mengatakan dua alat tersebut didatangkan bersama tim dari Jakarta.
Pusat Vulaknologi dan Mitigasi Bencana Geologi (PVMBG) telah mendatangkan dua alat pengukur untuk dapat mendeteksi aktivitas Gunung Slamet. Saat dihubungi melalui telepon seluler, Ketua PVMBG Ahmad Hendrasto juga mengatakan dua alat tersebut didatangkan bersama tim dari Jakarta.
"Yang jelas ada dua alat yang didatangkan adalah seismometer dan tiltmeter. Alat tersebut datang bersama tim dan baru datang tadi pagi di sini (Pos Gambuhan Pemalang)," ujarnya, Jumat (14/3).
Dengan didatangkannya alat tersebut, jumlah alat yang mendeteksi aktivitas Gunung Slamet saat ini telah menjadi empat seismometer dan satu tiltmeter. Sebelumnya, ada tiga seismometer yakni di Gunung Cilik, Gunung Buncis dan Jurangmangu di Lereng Gunung Slamet.
Meski begitu, Hedrasto belum bisa memastikan titik penempatan alat tersebut. "Saat ini kami belum dapat menentukan titiknya, tetapi kemungkinan esok pagi alat tersebut akan dipasang," ucapnya.
Tiltmeter sendiri juga merupakan alat untuk dapat mengukur kembang kempis atau pembengkakan gunung ketika akan terjadi letusan. Dari pantauan di Posko Gambuhan pada Jumat (14/3), telah terjadi 44 kali gempa embusan.
"Memang ada peningkatan gempa embusan dibanding hari kemarin, tetapi masih dalam range status waspada," katanya.
Gempa embusan tersebut telah mengeluarkan abu berwarna kecokelatan dengan ketinggian sekitar 600 meter- 1.200 meter ke udara. "Abu tersebut merupakan material lama dan diharapkan warga jangan panik, karena gempa embusan masih mengeluarkan material lama," ucapnya.
TEMPAT WISATA CURUG LUHUR
Bogor ternyata tidak hanya terkenal dengan Kebun Raya Bogor nya. Kota hujan di Jawa Barat ini telah memiliki objek wisata berupa
Bogor ternyata tidak hanya terkenal dengan Kebun Raya Bogor nya. Kota hujan di Jawa Barat ini telah memiliki objek wisata berupa air terjun yang sangat indah. Salah satu tempat wisata tersebut adalah Air Terjun Curug Luhur.
Curug Luhur telah terletak di Desa Gunung Malang, Kecamatan Tenjolaya, Kabupaten Bogor, Jawa Barat. Tepatnya di sebelah kanan jalan raya kawasan Bogor - Gunung Salak Endah. Kawasan wisata Curug Luhur telah dikelola oleh swasta sehingga tiket masuknya agak mahal sekitar Rp 30 ribu per orang.
air terjun curug luhur bogor
Curug Luhur
Kawasan wisata Curug Luhur ini memang telah menawarkan keindahan dan kenyamanan dalam berlibur. Keindahan alam berupa air terjun yang mempesona dipadukan dengan beberapa fasilitas yang ada, membuat tempat ini sangat cocok untuk sobat melepas lelah dalam kesibukan kerja.
air terjun curug luhur
Suasana Kawasan Wisata Curug Luhur
Curug Luhur juga merupakan air terjun yang telah memiliki ketinggian sekitar 62 meter. Sebenarnya Curug Luhur cuma ada satu buah air terjun saja dengan aliran air yang sangat deras. Namun saat ini di sebelah kiri air terjun utama terdapat air terjun kecil dengan ketinggian yang hampir sama yang sengaja dibuat oleh penduduk setempat.
Pengunjung disarankan untuk tidak berenang di kolam penampung air terjun tersebut karena memang kolam ini telah memiliki kedalaman sampai 7 meter dan memiliki pusaran arus yang sangat kuat dan pernah memakan korban jiwa.
air terjun curug luhur
Waterboom
Bila ingin berenang, pengunjung bisa memanfaatkan kolam renang atau waterboom yang sengaja disiapkan oleh pihak pengelola kawasan wisata ini. Disini juga terdapat kolam renang untuk dewasa dan anak-anak jadi jangan kuatir bagi yang membawa putra-putri tercinta.
air terjun curug luhur bogor
Air Terjun Mini
Tidak jauh dari air terjun utama terdapat deretan air yang mengalir deras pada dinding tanah setinggi sekitar 2 meter yang biasanya digunakan oleh pengunjung untuk membasuh tangan dan tubuh karena airnya sangat segar dan dingin.
Kawasan wisata Curug Luhur ini memang nyaman dan asri. Rindangnya pepohonan hijau dan derasnya air terjun Curug Luhur membuat siapa saja betah berlama-lama disini. Apalagi dengan beberapa fasilitas pendukung yang ada seperti restoran, kolam renang, toilet, warung kecil, musholla, dan lain-lain.
Untuk menuju ke lokasi wisata ini cukup mudah. Ada 2 jalur atau rute yang bisa dipilih yaitu :
Dari Bogor - Bogor Trade Mall (BTM) - Ciapus - Curug Luhur
Dari Bogor ke arah Leuwiliang - Ciampea - ke arah Gunung Salah Endah - Tenjolaya - Curug Luhur
Jadi bila sobat berencana ke kawasan wisata Curug Luhur, bawalah pakaian renang, agar liburan sobat disini lebih menyenangkan dan jangan lupa membawa pasangan atau buah hati sobat.
TEMPAT WISATA GUNUNG SALAK
Kawasan Puncak juga merupakan kawasan primadona di Jawa Barat bahkan saat ini juga telah dijadikan salah satu dari “Seven
Kawasan Puncak juga merupakan kawasan primadona di Jawa Barat bahkan saat ini juga telah dijadikan salah satu dari “Seven Wonder of West Java”. Namun perkembangan kawasan ini yang sangat pesat dikhawatirkan akan berdampak negatif. Pemerintah Kabupaten Bogor khususnya Dinas Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata saat ini juga tengah mengupayakan dan mulai mengembangkan kawasan alternatif sebagai daerah tujuan wisata. Salah satunya adalah Kawasan Gunung Salak Endah (GSE) yang terletak di sebelah barat Kota Bogor, GSE ini telah terletak di sekitar kaki Gunung Salak. Di sini juga banyak terdapat obyek alami yang bisa menjadi daya tarik wisata, di antaranya:
WANA WISATA KAWAH RATU
Kawah Ratu berada di kawasan GSE pada ketinggian 1.338 m Dpl, dengan suhu berkisar 10-20 derajat C. Kawah ini telah memiliki daya tarik yang sangat unik bagi setiap pengunjung, yaitu dengan aktivitas geologinya. Sepanjang hari kepundan selalu mendidih dan mengeluarkan gas alam Sulfat (H2S) dengan baunya yang khas, dan tekadang mengeluarkan suara gemuruh, akibat semburan uap air panas yang membentuk kabut.
CURUG SERIBU
Curug seribu juga merupakan curug yang paling indah dan paling menarik di kawasan wisata GSE, lokasinya yang berada lebih kurang 7 km dari Loka Purna. Jika kita menuju ke curug ini akan dapat terlihat pemandangan alam yang indah dan alami dan telah memiliki daya tarik tersendiri bagi yang melihatnya. Curug Seribu tingginya melebihi 100 meter, dan terlihat indah dan menakjubkan.
CURUG NGUMPET
Curug Ngumpet telah memiliki ketinggian lebih kurang 45 meter, dengan panorama alam yang indah dan asri. Untuk menuju ke obyek wisata ini , juga dapat ditempuh dengan jarak lebih kurang 38 km dari Bogor. Jika dari Desa Gunung Sari dapat ditempuh dengan jarak lebih kurang 9 km yang dilan-jutkan jalan setapak lebih kurang 200 meter.
CURUG CIGAMEA
Di kawasan GSE, Curug Cigamea letaknya tak jauh dar jalan menuju ke Pasir Reungit, Kawah Ratu dan menuju Curug Seribu. Panoramanya sangat indah sekali walaupun tingginya tidak melebihi 50 meter. Suasananya terasa alami dan begitu segar untuk dinikmati. Hembusan angin dan ditambah gemericik air akan dapat membuat betah berada di sini.
KERAJINAN TANGAN
Dikawasan wisata GSE terdapat juga potensi kerajinan tangan yang cukup banyak dan sangat beragam, antara lain seni menganyam dari bambu yang berada di Kampung Cikoneng, pengrajin sapu injuk dan steer racing besi yang telah dimodifikasi dengan kayu, pengrajin ini juga bisa ditemui di Desa Pamijahan.
AKSES MENUJU GSE
Akses untuk dapat menuju GSE adalah jalur Cemplang-Pamijahan-GSE, akses jalur ini telah memiliki jarak dan waktu tempuh dari jalan raya Bogor-Leuwiliang terpendek dibanding tiga alternatif yang lain, (Cikampek-GSE-Cibatok-GSE dan Tamansari-Gunung Bunder-GSE). Kondisi fisik jalan yang meliputi kontur, kelurusan dan lebar jalan maupun lahan pengembangan secara umum lebih memadai dibanding alternatif lainnya.
Potensi objek wisata alam di kawasan GSE ini tentunya akan lebih dioptimalkan pengelolaannya sehingga diharapkan mampu meningkatkan minat wisatawan untuk berkunjung ke kawasan sini. Sehingga Kawasan Gunung Salak Endah menjadi obyek wisata primadona bagi wisatawan dan menjadi wisata alternatif selain Kawasan Puncak Bogor. Anda ingin wisata alternatif selain puncak? Gunung Salak Endah adalah pilihan yang sangat tepat sebagai daerah tujuan wisata Anda. (PV)
#SEBUAH TULISAN UNTUK NUTRISI JIWAKU
Malem ini aku mulai lapar,
seiring dengan itu aku kembali pada tempat nyamanku
tempat yang mereka anggap aneh, ambigu, abstark
Malem ini aku mulai lapar,
seiring dengan itu aku kembali pada tempat nyamanku
tempat yang mereka anggap aneh, ambigu, abstark
atau apapun yang mereka katakan
alunan musik dari si gudang vidio 'youtube'
memberi makanan terhadap telingaku,
namun kusadari banyak dari elemen tubuhku yang kelaparan
sembari mendengar, aku mengucap, aku juga menulis
''Awalnya ku tak mengerti apa yang sedang kurasakan
Segalanya berubah dan rasa rindu itu pun ada
Sejak kau hadir disetiap malam ditidurku
Aku tahu sesuatu sedang terjadi padaku
Sudah sekian lama kualami pedih putus cinta
Dan mulai terbiasa hidup sendiri tanpa asmara
Dan hadirmu membawa cinta sembuhkan lukaku
Kau berbeda dari yang kukira
Aku jatuh cinta kepada dirinya
Sungguh-sungguh cinta
Oh apa adanya
Tak pernah kuragu
Namun tetap selalu menunggu
Sungguh aku…
Jatuh cinta kepadanya
Coba-coba dengarkan apa yang ingin aku katakan
Yang selama ini sungguh telah lama terpendam
Aku tak percaya membuatku tak berdaya
Tuk ungkapkan apa yang kurasa
Kadang aku cemburu
Kadang aku gelisah
Seringnya ku tak mampu lalui hariku
Tak dapat kupungkiri
Hatiku yang terdalam
Betapa aku jatuh cinta kepadanya''
Yang jadi pertanyaan adalah,
"emang aku bisa berucap merdu?"
"emang punya buku buat ditulis?"
tentu tak merdu, juga tak aku punya selembar kertaspun untuk kucoret.
tp aku kan ndak peduli nasib pendengar, salah siapa mendengar. :D
Jelas aku tak menulis di buku, aku menuliskan disini,
yups, disini, ditempat kau membaca tulisan ini.
namun aku juga share kepada beberapa orang normal.
kau tau reaksi mereka??
walah, macem2. mulai "sedih", "dieeemm", "badaaii bangau(yg ini aku tak tau)", "ada yang ngajakin duet lagu -sang kodok-" , "kenyih", "gini nih kalo udh masuk idol", "jangan dengerin dia. bisa gilaa ntar kalian".
dan ketika aku sudah ditemani makan, semuanya berhenti,
aku sudah kenyang, kuakhiri jua tulisanku bersama dengan berakhirnya laparku.
selamat malam,
#hanya sebuah tulisan untuk nutrisi jiwaku
5 Cara Makan Agar Terhindar Sakit Kronis
Dr. Irsyal Rusad. Sp.PD
Spesialis Penyakit Dalam Lulusan Fakultas Kedokteran Universitas Gadjah Mada. Anggota
Persatuan Ahli Penyakit Dalam Infonesia ( PAPDI) dan Pengurus PAPDI Cabang Riau. Berminat dalam
bidang Healthy Life, Healthy Aging, dan Diabetes Mellitus.
KOMPAS.com -
Beberapa penyakit kronis yang diderita sekarang, seperti diabetes, hipertensi, stroke, jantung
dan sebagainya berkaitan erat dengan apa yang kita masukkan ke dalam perut kita, atau apa yang
kita makan. Sayangnya, ditengah-tengah kesibukan kehidupan modern sekarang ini, apa yang kita
masukkan itu sering luput dari perhatian kita, maka tidak heran penyakit-penyakit itu menjadi
pembunuh utama kita sekarang ini.
Beberapa tips di bawah ini mudah-mudahan
dapat membantu Anda.
1. Makanlah hanya pada saat
lapar
Makanlah saat Anda lapar bukan pada saat
Anda sedih, bosan, stres, ada resepsi, undangan, atau hanya karena ada makanan yang gratis,
makanan yang kelihatan menggugah selera. Bila Anda makan karena alasan ini, maka
makanan yang Anda konsumsi biasanya cendrung tidak sehat, berlebihan, dan apa yang menjadi
tujuan dari makan sendiri untuk memelihara tubuh, kenikmatan, kepuasan memperoleh enerji
yang cukup tidak akan tercapai, malah sebaliknya, penyakit yang akan Anda dapatkan. Tapi, bila
Anda makan hanya waktu lapar nikmatnya makanan itu akan lebih Anda rasakan. Di samping itu, Anda
tidak perlu makan berlebihan, sampai kekenyangan, agar Anda puas, merasa sudah cukup, tapi
kalau Anda makan karena sedih, bosan, stres, lagi bersenang-senang, Anda memerlukan makanan yang
lebih banyak.
2. Makanlah masakan dari dapur
Anda sendiri
Mengkonsumsi makanan yang Anda
beli di luar, dengan makanan yang Anda masak sendiri pasti tidak sama kualitas dan pengaruhnya.
Makanan yang dari dapur Anda, Anda sendiri yang menentukan apa yang akan Anda masak, mau memasak
daging, ikan, sayur, berapa banyaknya, apa bumbunya, berapa garamnya, dan bagaimana memasaknya.
Apa yang Anda masak, apa bumbunya, berapa garam yang Anda masukkan, bagaimana memasaknya akan
menentukan kualitas makanan yang akan Anda makan. Di samping itu, aktivitas di dapur yang Anda
lakukan dapat menjadi sesuatu yang menyenangkan, dan membakar cadangan energi Anda. Bila anda
makan di luar, yang menentukan sesuatumya adalah kokinya, tidak hanya cara mengolahnya, tetapi
juga apa yang harus Anda makan. Sayangnya, dapur kita sekarang sudah jarang
berasap.
3. Pilihlah piring yang lebih
kecil
Apa, berapa, dan bagaimana makanan yang
Anda taruh dalam piring Anda akan mempengaruhi selera makan Anda, rasa puas, kenyang, dan kesan
yang Anda lihat melalui mata juga akan akan mempengarhui porsi makanan Anda. Piring yang lebih
kecil yang Anda pilih memberi kesan bahwa makanan yang ditaruh di atasnya kelihatan menjadi
lebih banyak. Ini dapat mencegah Anda makan lebih banyak juga
4. Makanlah lebih sedikit, tetapi lebih
sering
Dalam keadaan serba sibuk sekarang ini,
ada kecendrungan orang makan 1-2 kali saja sehari, tetapi dalam porsi yang besar. Banyak yang
tidak sempat makan pagi, kompensasinya mereka makan siang dalam jumlah yang besar atau
sebaliknya. Makan dengan pola ini ternyata tidak sehat, memberikan beban belebihan pada perut
Anda dalam sekaligus, dengan bermacam keluhan seperti, perut tidak nyaman, menyesak, mual,
muntah, cegukan, dan pengolahan, penyerapan makanan tidak sempurna. Bahkan banyak laporan
kejadian serangan jantung akibat pola makan seperti ini.
Di samping itu, makan banyak sekaligus, apalagi Anda mengkonsumsi
makanan yang indeks glikemiknya tinggi, makanan kurang mengandung serat, kadar gula darah Anda
dapat naik mendadak, yang kemudian juga memacu pelepasan Insulin dalam jumlah besar. Pelepasan
insulin dalam jumlah besar ini mengakibat gula darah turun cepat juga, sehingga menimbulkan
gejala seperti letih, mood anda terganggu, mmengantuk dan Anda cendrung mencari
makanan ringan yang manis-manis. Sebaliknya, makan lebih sedikit, tetapi lebih sering, disamping
sehat untuk sistem pencernaan, juga dapat mempertahankan gula darah Anda lebih stabil. Karena
itu kebiasaan ini bisa mengurangi risiko ancaman diabetes. Jadi, biasakanlah makan dalam
porsi lebih kecil tetapi frekwensi lebih sering. Ada ahli yang menganjurkan 4-5 kali dalam
sehari lebih untuk Anda.
5. Makanlah dengan
rileks, santai, dan pelan-pelan
Karena merasa
waktu yang sempit, diburu target, banyak dari kita yang makan sekarang ini, dibawah
tekanan, dalam keadaan stres, saat menonton TV, di depan komputer, di atas meja kerjai, sedang
berjalan, bahkan selagi membawa kendaraan. Bila Anda tidak fokus dengan makanan di depan Anda,
disamping Anda tidak dapat menikmati makanan itu, sistem pencernaan anda juga akan terganngu.
Anda juga cendrung makan dalam porsi berlebihan. Sebaiknya makanlah dalam keadaan tenang,
pelan-pelan. Makan dengan situasi begini memberi Anda kesempatan menikmati makanan lebih baik,
mengunyah lebih lama dan sistem pencernaan kita juga berkerja lebih sempurna.
Makan terburu-buru, misalnya 1-2 piring sudah habis Anda santap dalam 10
menit, atau kurang, tetapi Anda masih belum merasa kenyang, puas, ini disebabkan oleh
refleks puas, kenyang yang sampai ke otak kita perlu waktu sekitar 20 menit setelah kita
mulai makan. Jadi, kalau Anda makan terburu-buru Anda juga cendrung makan dalam jumlah yang
lebih besar. Anda baru tahu bahwa Anda makan berlebihan beberapa saat setelah Anda berhenti
makan.
Bila 5 kiat di atas dapat Anda jalani, Insya Allah di
samping kemungkinan Anda menjadi penyandang beberapa penyakit kronis, diabetes, hipertensi,
jantung, stroke dapat diperkecil, tubuh Anda juga akan lebih cantik dan sehat.
William Sokolin, Wine Seller Who Broke Famed Bottle, Dies at 85
The bottle Mr. Sokolin famously broke was a 1787 Château Margaux, which was said to have belonged to Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Sokolin had been hoping to sell it for $519,750.
As Vice Moves More to TV, It Tries to Keep Brash Voice
The live music at the Vice Media party on Friday shook the room. Shane Smith, Vice’s chief executive, was standing near the stage — with a drink in his hand, pants sagging, tattoos showing — watching the rapper-cum-chef Action Bronson make pizzas.
The event was an after-party, a happy-hour bacchanal for the hundreds of guests who had come for Vice’s annual presentation to advertisers and agencies that afternoon, part of the annual frenzy for ad dollars called the Digital Content NewFronts. Mr. Smith had spoken there for all of five minutes before running a slam-bang highlight reel of the company’s shows that had titles like “Weediquette” and “Gaycation.”
In the last year, Vice has secured $500 million in financing and signed deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars with established media companies like HBO that are eager to engage the young viewers Vice attracts. Vice said it was now worth at least $4 billion, with nearly $1 billion in projected revenue for 2015. It is a long way from Vice’s humble start as a free magazine in 1994.
Photo
At the Vice after-party, the rapper Action Bronson, a host of a Vice show, made a pizza.Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times
But even as cash flows freely in Vice’s direction, the company is trying to keep its brash, insurgent image. At the party on Friday, it plied guests with beers and cocktails. Its apparently unrehearsed presentation to advertisers was peppered with expletives. At one point, the director Spike Jonze, a longtime Vice collaborator, asked on stage if Mr. Smith had been drinking.
“My assistant tried to cut me off,” Mr. Smith replied. “I’m on buzz control.”
Now, Vice is on the verge of getting its own cable channel, which would give the company a traditional outlet for its slate of non-news programming. If all goes as planned, A&E Networks, the television group owned by Hearst and Disney, will turn over its History Channel spinoff, H2, to Vice.
The deal’s announcement was expected last week, but not all of A&E’s distribution partners — the cable and satellite TV companies that carry the network’s channels — have signed off on the change, according to a person familiar with the negotiations who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the talks were private.
A cable channel would be a further step in a transformation for Vice, from bad-boy digital upstart to mainstream media company.
Keen for the core audience of young men who come to Vice, media giants like 21st Century Fox, Time Warner and Disney all showed interest in the company last year. Vice ultimately secured $500 million in financing from A&E Networks and Technology Crossover Ventures, a Silicon Valley venture capital firm that has invested in Facebook and Netflix.
Those investments valued Vice at more than $2.5 billion. (In 2013, Fox bought a 5 percent stake for $70 million.)
Then in March, HBO announced that it had signed a multiyear deal to broadcast a daily half-hour Vice newscast. Vice already produces a weekly newsmagazine show, called “Vice,” for the network. That show will extend its run through 2018, with an increase to 35 episodes a year, from 14.
Michael Lombardo, HBO’s president for programming, said when the deal was announced that it was “certainly one of our biggest investments with hours on the air.”
Vice, based in Brooklyn, also recently signed a multiyear $100 million deal with Rogers Communications, a Canadian media conglomerate, to produce original content for TV, smartphone and desktop viewers.
Vice’s finances are private, but according to an internal document reviewed by The New York Times and verified by a person familiar with the company’s financials, the company is on track to make about $915 million in revenue this year.
Photo
Vice showed a highlight reel of its TV series at the NewFronts last week in New York.Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times
It brought in $545 million in a strong first quarter, which included portions of the new HBO deal and the Rogers deal, according to the document. More of its revenue now comes from these types of content partnerships, compared with the branded content deals that made up much of its revenue a year ago, the company said.
Mr. Smith said the company was worth at least $4 billion. If the valuation gets much higher, he said he would consider taking the company public.
“I don’t care about money; we have plenty of money,” Mr. Smith, who is Vice’s biggest shareholder, said in an interview after the presentation on Friday. “I care about strategic deals.”
In the United States, Vice Media had 35.2 million unique visitors across its sites in March, according to comScore.
The third season of Vice’s weekly HBO show has averaged 1.8 million viewers per episode, including reruns, through April 12, according to Brad Adgate, the director of research at Horizon Media. (Vice said the show attracted three million weekly viewers when repeat broadcasts, online and on-demand viewings were included.)
For years, Mr. Smith has criticized traditional TV, calling it slow and unable to draw younger viewers. But if all the deals Vice has struck are to work out, Mr. Smith may have to play more by the rules of traditional media. James Murdoch, Rupert Murdoch’s son and a member of Vice’s board, was at the company’s presentation on Friday, as were other top media executives.
“They know they need people like me to help them, but they can’t get out of their own way,” Mr. Smith said in the interview Friday. “My only real frustration is we’re used to being incredibly dynamic, and they’re not incredibly dynamic.”
With its own television channel in the United States, Vice would have something it has long coveted even as traditional media companies are looking beyond TV. Last year, Vice’s deal with Time Warner failed in part because the two companies could not agree on how much control Vice would have over a 24-hour television network.
Vice said it intended to fill its new channel with non-news programming. The company plans to have sports shows, fashion shows, food shows and the “Gaycation” travel show with the actress Ellen Page. It is also in talks with Kanye West about a show.
It remains to be seen whether Vice’s audience will watch a traditional cable channel. Still, Vice has effectively presold all of the ad spots to two of the biggest advertising agencies for the first three years, Mr. Smith said.
In the meantime, Mr. Smith is enjoying Vice’s newfound role as a potential savior of traditional media companies.
“I’m a C.E.O. of a content company,” Mr. Smith said before he caught a flight to Las Vegas for the boxing match on Saturday between Floyd Mayweather Jr. and Manny Pacquiao. “If it stops being fun, then why are you doing it?”
G.O.P. Hopefuls Now Aiming to Woo the Middle Class
WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).
The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.
Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”
Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.
Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.
Photo
Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk.Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images
“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”
We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.
Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”
Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.
Advertisement
Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.
And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.
That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.
With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.
On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”
Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.
This is intentional, Republican operatives said.
In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.
“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.
But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”
Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.
“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.
Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.
Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.
But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.
Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.
Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”
Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.
Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.
But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.
The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.
“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.
There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.
“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”
William Price Fox, Admired Southern Novelist and Humorist, Dies at 89
Mr. Fox, known for his well-honed countrified voice, wrote about things dear to South Carolina and won over Yankee critics.
Harvey R. Miller, Renowned Bankruptcy Lawyer, Dies at 82
Mr. Miller, of the firm Weil, Gotshal & Manges, represented companies including Lehman Brothers, General Motors and American Airlines, and mentored many of the top Chapter 11 practitioners today.
Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination
ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)
Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.
“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”
His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.
Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”
Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.
The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”
Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.
“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”
Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”
Bass nodded.
Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)
Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.
Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”
Advertisement
Advertisement
Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)
“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.
A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.
Photo
Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011.Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.
This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.
Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.
At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.
At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)
Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”
All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.
Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.
Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)
Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.
Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)
Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.
Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)
Photo
Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md.Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times
In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”
None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.
Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.
Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.
It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.
At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?
During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.
Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.
In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”
Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.
“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”
Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.
No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.
Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.
“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”
Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.
Ghostly Voices From Thomas Edison’s Dolls Can Now Be Heard
Though Robin and Joan Rolfs owned two rare talking dolls manufactured by Thomas Edison’s phonograph company in 1890, they did not dare play the wax cylinder records tucked inside each one.
The Rolfses, longtime collectors of Edison phonographs, knew that if they turned the cranks on the dolls’ backs, the steel phonograph needle might damage or destroy the grooves of the hollow, ring-shaped cylinder. And so for years, the dolls sat side by side inside a display cabinet, bearers of a message from the dawn of sound recording that nobody could hear.
In 1890, Edison’s dolls were a flop; production lasted only six weeks. Children found them difficult to operate and more scary than cuddly. The recordings inside, which featured snippets of nursery rhymes, wore out quickly.
Yet sound historians say the cylinders were the first entertainment records ever made, and the young girls hired to recite the rhymes were the world’s first recording artists.
Year after year, the Rolfses asked experts if there might be a safe way to play the recordings. Then a government laboratory developed a method to play fragile records without touching them.
A recording heard from Edison’s Talking Doll. (Audio quality is low.)
The technique relies on a microscope to create images of the grooves in exquisite detail. A computer approximates — with great accuracy — the sounds that would have been created by a needle moving through those grooves.
In 2014, the technology was made available for the first time outside the laboratory.
“The fear all along is that we don’t want to damage these records. We don’t want to put a stylus on them,” said Jerry Fabris, the curator of the Thomas Edison Historical Park in West Orange, N.J. “Now we have the technology to play them safely.”
Last month, the Historical Park posted online three never-before-heard Edison doll recordings, including the two from the Rolfses’ collection. “There are probably more out there, and we’re hoping people will now get them digitized,” Mr. Fabris said.
The technology, which is known as Irene (Image, Reconstruct, Erase Noise, Etc.), was developed by the particle physicist Carl Haber and the engineer Earl Cornell at Lawrence Berkeley. Irene extracts sound from cylinder and disk records. It can also reconstruct audio from recordings so badly damaged they were deemed unplayable.
“We are now hearing sounds from history that I did not expect to hear in my lifetime,” Mr. Fabris said.
The Rolfses said they were not sure what to expect in August when they carefully packed their two Edison doll cylinders, still attached to their motors, and drove from their home in Hortonville, Wis., to the National Document Conservation Center in Andover, Mass. The center had recently acquired Irene technology.
A recording from Edison’s Talking Doll. (Audio quality is low.)
Cylinders carry sound in a spiral groove cut by a phonograph recording needle that vibrates up and down, creating a surface made of tiny hills and valleys. In the Irene set-up, a microscope perched above the shaft takes thousands of high-resolution images of small sections of the grooves.
Stitched together, the images provide a topographic map of the cylinder’s surface, charting changes in depth as small as one five-hundredth the thickness of a human hair. Pitch, volume and timbre are all encoded in the hills and valleys and the speed at which the record is played.
At the conservation center, the preservation specialist Mason Vander Lugt attached one of the cylinders to the end of a rotating shaft. Huddled around a computer screen, the Rolfses first saw the wiggly waveform generated by Irene. Then came the digital audio. The words were at first indistinct, but as Mr. Lugt filtered out more of the noise, the rhyme became clearer.
“That was the Eureka moment,” Mr. Rolfs said.
In 1890, a girl in Edison’s laboratory had recited:
The first recording heard from Edison’s Talking Doll. (Audio quality is low.)
Right in the middle of her forehead.
When she was good,
She was very, very good.
But when she was bad, she was horrid.
Recently, the conservation center turned up another surprise.
In 2010, the Woody Guthrie Foundation received 18 oversize phonograph disks from an anonymous donor. No one knew if any of the dirt-stained recordings featured Guthrie, but Tiffany Colannino, then the foundation’s archivist, had stored them unplayed until she heard about Irene.
Last fall, the center extracted audio from one of the records, labeled “Jam Session 9” and emailed the digital file to Ms. Colannino.
“I was just sitting in my dining room, and the next thing I know, I’m hearing Woody,” she said. In between solo performances of “Ladies Auxiliary,” “Jesus Christ,” and “Dead or Alive,” Guthrie tells jokes, offers some back story, and makes the audience laugh. “It is quintessential Guthrie,” Ms. Colannino said.
The Rolfses’ dolls are back in the display cabinet in Wisconsin. But with audio stored on several computers, they now have a permanent voice.