Harga Paket Haji Umroh Profesional di Jakarta Utara Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Harga Paket Haji Umroh Profesional di Jakarta Utara Alhijaz Indowisata didirikan oleh Bapak H. Abdullah Djakfar Muksen pada tahun 2010. Merangkak dari kecil namun pasti, alhijaz berkembang pesat dari mulai penjualan tiket maskapai penerbangan domestik dan luar negeri, tour domestik hingga mengembangkan ke layanan jasa umrah dan haji khusus. Tak hanya itu, pada tahun 2011 Alhijaz kembali membuka divisi baru yaitu provider visa umrah yang bekerja sama dengan muassasah arab saudi. Sebagai komitmen legalitas perusahaan dalam melayani pelanggan dan jamaah secara aman dan profesional, saat ini perusahaan telah mengantongi izin resmi dari pemerintah melalui kementrian pariwisata, lalu izin haji khusus dan umrah dari kementrian agama. Selain itu perusahaan juga tergabung dalam komunitas organisasi travel nasional seperti Asita, komunitas penyelenggara umrah dan haji khusus yaitu HIMPUH dan organisasi internasional yaitu IATA. Harga Paket Haji Umroh Profesional di Jakarta Utara

Tips Memilih Jenis Lampu Rumah yang Cocok

Di antara banyak jenis bola lampu, semua tidak cocok untuk pencahayaan domestik. Cocok untuk digunakan di rumah ada semacam cahaya ini:

Lampu Light LED:

Lampu LED masih teknologi baru. ketika menyala, LED mampu telah menghasilkan percikan dari rangkaian optik bekerja dengan semikonduktor. Karena digunakan.Secara lebih nyaman secara keseluruhan, lampu ini juga tidak menghasilkan sangat sedikit panas, lampu ini tahan lama jauh lebih efisien daripada lampu pijar. 4 watt lampu LED, memiliki bertahan hingga 20 tahun dan jumlah cahaya yang sama 25 watt lampu pijar. Namun, harganya jauh lebih mahal daripada lampu pijar.

Lampu pijar:

Tipe pertama, bola lampu pijar adalah jenis paling murah lampu. Cahaya telah ditemukan oleh Thomas Edison, namun dalam banyak kasus digunakan untuk tahun 1990. Lampu pijar juga disebut incandesent dan bola lampu. Silakan mengoperasikan waktu saat melalui lampu filamen karbon dari dalm dari lampu pijar. Kemudian, menghasilkan panas dan menghasilkan cahaya cahaya.Selain, filamen karbon menghasilkan panas jenis lampu juga. Oleh karena itu, dapat menyebabkan panas ruangan menjadi penggunaan lampu ini. Selain itu, untuk dapat menghasilkan lampu pijar ini, hasil penguapan debu. Jika lampu dipasang di atap, saya menjalankan debu terjebak di atap itu. Akibatnya, lingkaran hitam, terbentuk di langit-langit. The bola lampu pijar di langit langit.Lampu, Anda perlu menghindari hal ini ketika saya mampu untuk mengarahkan cahaya untuk bersinar dan intensitas maksimum segera setelah instalasi sambungan, menempatkan kap lampu. Selain itu, lampu ini tidak terpengaruh oleh suhu dan kelembaban udara di sekitarnya. Namun, lampu
ini membutuhkan daya tinggi untuk membuatnya begitu bersinar. Masa hidup bohlam biasanya sekitar bola lampu pijar cocok untuk kamar yang tidak membutuhkan cahaya 1000 jam.Berdasarkan karakteristik dari 750, seperti kamar mandi atau penyimpanan kekuatan tinggi tersebut. Lampu pijar Selanjutnya, adalah mungkin untuk menggunakan dimmer.

Lampu Cahaya TL:

Seringkali, lampu neon, dikenal sebagai fluorescent atau neon. Lampu neon telah mulai digunakan sebagai alternatif untuk lampu pijar terakhir sering. Dan bekerja sama dengan lampu neon adalah gas yang menggunakan fluor dan fosfor. Ketika menerima dihasilkan arus dari gas UV. Sinar ultraviolet, dapat cenderung lebih mahal, dibandingkan dengan output neon lampu pijar terhadap radiasi putih.Harga kemudian dihasilkan. Namun, lampu ini lebih hemat energi. 20 lampu neon W memiliki jumlah cahaya yang sama dengan lampu pijar 100 watt. Lampu tidak menghasilkan polutan, tidak menghasilkan panas tetapi menggunakan untuk menjadi nyaman. Tetapi untuk dapat diaktifkan dengan intensitas maksimum, akan memakan waktu lebih lama untuk cahaya. Kehidupan lampu TL, secara umum, sangat terang, kualitas cahaya yang sedikit lebih tinggi di TL lampu LED sekitar 10.000 jam.Secara antara keseluruhan. Tapi harga jauh lebih murah daripada lampu LED lampu neon. Oleh karena itu, lampu ini adalah dunia cahaya termasuk rumah, yang paling ban

yak digunakan. Karena popularitasnya, adalah lampu yang telah menghasilkan berbagai cahaya bentuk dan ukuran banyak perusahaan yang estetika. Bahkan, beberapa tahun yang lalu, jenis cahaya adalah dalam bentuk tabung panjang.

Lampu halogen:

Aku punya lampu halogen yang sama prinsipnya, lampu pijar. Lampu ini dibuat lampu pijar kecil diterapkan untuk itu, dalam komposisi jumlah gas halogen. Selanjutnya, menempatkan fungsi cermin sebagai reflektor untuk menghasilkan cahaya terang dari lampu adalah kuat.Jenis tidak menyebarkan cahaya di belakang pengaturan biasa, itu adalah salah satu arah saja. Hal ini digunakan sebagai sumber cahaya hanya untuk tujuan kosmetik hanya dengan. Misalnya, cahaya untuk menerangi seni cahaya, lampu taman, Interior.

Jika Anda tidak mendapatkan angka yang akurat untuk Anda selalu, bahkan dapat Anda lihat sempatkanlah, untuk mengunjungi rumah dan toko-toko elektronik, yang saya mencoba untuk menghasilkan cahaya seragam . Jika Anda sudah familiar dengan jenis bola lampu benar, bagi Anda untuk menentukan apa jenis cahaya yang Anda butuhkan untuk rumah Anda akan lebih mudah

TIPS MEMILIH JENIS LAMPU RUMAH YANG COCOK

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in The Great War of Our Time

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