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Cari Paket Umroh VIP Bersama Mamah Dedeh di Jakarta Pusat Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Cari Paket Umroh VIP Bersama Mamah Dedeh di Jakarta Pusat Alhijaz Indowisata didirikan oleh Bapak H. Abdullah Djakfar Muksen pada tahun 2010. Merangkak dari kecil namun pasti, alhijaz berkembang pesat dari mulai penjualan tiket maskapai penerbangan domestik dan luar negeri, tour domestik hingga mengembangkan ke layanan jasa umrah dan haji khusus. Tak hanya itu, pada tahun 2011 Alhijaz kembali membuka divisi baru yaitu provider visa umrah yang bekerja sama dengan muassasah arab saudi. Sebagai komitmen legalitas perusahaan dalam melayani pelanggan dan jamaah secara aman dan profesional, saat ini perusahaan telah mengantongi izin resmi dari pemerintah melalui kementrian pariwisata, lalu izin haji khusus dan umrah dari kementrian agama. Selain itu perusahaan juga tergabung dalam komunitas organisasi travel nasional seperti Asita, komunitas penyelenggara umrah dan haji khusus yaitu HIMPUH dan organisasi internasional yaitu IATA.

Cari Paket Umroh VIP Bersama Mamah Dedeh di Jakarta Pusat

saco-indonesia.com, Jajaran reskrim Polsek Sukmajaya, telah berhasil mengungkap kasus pencurian di rumah yang ditinggal penghuni

saco-indonesia.com, Jajaran reskrim Polsek Sukmajaya, telah berhasil mengungkap kasus pencurian di rumah yang ditinggal penghuni alias rumsong. Dua tersangka yang kerap bermain di wilayah Sukmajaya telah dibekuk. Tertangkapnya pelaku juga berkat perekam CCTV yang terekam wajah pelaku.

Kapolsek Sukmajaya, Kompol Agus Widodo telah menuturkan bermula laporan pencurian di toko material OPE milik Pargudani yang berusia 54 tahun , di Kebon Duren Rt. 02/05 No.40 Kel.Kalimulya Kec,Cilodong Depok pada Senin (10/2) kemarin pukul 01:30 dinihari.

Ketika petugas telah melakukan olah TKP dan memintai sejumlah keterangan saksi, petugas menemukan pelaku .”Subari yang berusia 30 tahun ,warga Bakalrejo RT.002/003 Kel. Guntur Kec. Demak, Jawa Tengah lalu Muksin, 31, warga Bakalan RT 007/002, Kec. Kapas Bojonegoro Jatim kita bekuk berturut-turut. Kedua pelaku adalah pemulung ,”ujarnya kepada Pos Kota, Selasa (11/2) pagi.

Pelaku telah ditangkap di rumah kontrakannya di Kp Sawah RT 3/4 Jatimulya,Cilodong. “Wajah pelaku yang terekam dari CCTV dicetak, dan diselidiki ternyata mereka adalah pemulung. Saat ditemukan lokasi persembunyiannya, ketika dilakukan penggrebekan tidak melakukan perlawanan,”ungkapnya.

Dalam aksinya tersebut, lanjut Kapolsek menggasak alat-alat material dan listrik dengan kerugian telah mencapai Rp. 15 juta.

“Alat bukti pelaku kita sita berupa linggis untuk merusak pintu depan, dan barang yang dicuri seperti 25 rol kabel listrik eterna, 1 unit kompor gas 1 buah magic com, 18 handle pintu, 1 karung berisi 50 unit keran air, set buah katrol, sebuah shower, dan 1 buah gerobak rongsokan,”bebernya.

Dari pengakuan pelaku tersebut , aksi pencurian yang dilakukan sudah berulang-ulang dengan beraksi di sekitar wilayah Sukmajaya dan Cilodong.

“Pelaku berpura-pura menjadi pemulung untuk dapat memantau situasi keadaan rumah atau toko yang akan menjadi sasarannya di tengah hari malam,”demikian.

“Pelaku akan dikenakan pasal 363 KUHP tentang pencurian pemberatan dengan hukuman 5 tahun penjara.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Koordinator Masyarakat Anti-Korupsi Indonesia (MAKI), Boyamin Saiman, telah mengatakan, untuk dapat menjaga

saco-indonesia.com, Koordinator Masyarakat Anti-Korupsi Indonesia (MAKI), Boyamin Saiman, telah mengatakan, untuk dapat menjaga kepercayaan publik, Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) sebaiknya segera untuk memeriksa Edhie Baskoro Yudhoyono (Ibas) terkait dalam kasus sport center Hambalang.

“Segerakan periksa Ibas atau publik tidak akan percaya lagi sama KPK,” kata Boyamin, Kamis 6 Februari 2014 kemarin malam.

Menurut dia, nama Ibas juga sudah disebut-sebut terkait dalam kasus Hambalang, baik oleh Yulianis sebagai mantan Wakil Direktur Keuangan Grup Permai, maupun mantan ketua Umum Partai Demokrat, Anas Urbaningrum.

Karena itu, publik juga harus mengetahui sejauh mana keterlibatan Ibas bila memang ada. Selain itu, pemeriksaan tersebut untuk dapat meluruskan keseimpangsiuran dugaan keterlibatannya.

“Pertimbangan karena dia (Ibas) anak Presiden tentu ada. Jika dihalang-halangi dari pemeriksaan tersebut akan menjadi kerugian, baik bagi KPK maupun Pemerintahan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. SBY sendiri pernah berkoar-koar mengatakan ‘Saya akan menjadi panglima terdepan memberantasan korupsi’,” tuturnya.

Yulianis, yang juga saksi kunci kasus Hambalang, juga pernah mengatakan bahwa Bos Grup Permai yang juga mantan Bendahara Umum Partai Demokrat Muhammad Nazaruddin, telah memberikan uang USD200 ribu kepada Ibas. Uang tersebut diberikan terkait dalam Kongres Partai Demokrat 2010.

Meski demikian, Yulianis juga mengaku tidak melihat langsung uang tersebut diserahkan oleh Nazaruddin.

Selain itu, Anas juga telah menganggap Ibas layak diperiksa KPK sebagai saksi seputar aliran dana proyek Hambalang. “Kalau saya ditanya, apakah Mas Ibas layak dimintai keterangan oleh KPK? Menurut saya, layak,” ujar Anas


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

WASHINGTON — During a training course on defending against knife attacks, a young Salt Lake City police officer asked a question: “How close can somebody get to me before I’m justified in using deadly force?”

Dennis Tueller, the instructor in that class more than three decades ago, decided to find out. In the fall of 1982, he performed a rudimentary series of tests and concluded that an armed attacker who bolted toward an officer could clear 21 feet in the time it took most officers to draw, aim and fire their weapon.

The next spring, Mr. Tueller published his findings in SWAT magazine and transformed police training in the United States. The “21-foot rule” became dogma. It has been taught in police academies around the country, accepted by courts and cited by officers to justify countless shootings, including recent episodes involving a homeless woodcarver in Seattle and a schizophrenic woman in San Francisco.

Now, amid the largest national debate over policing since the 1991 beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles, a small but vocal set of law enforcement officials are calling for a rethinking of the 21-foot rule and other axioms that have emphasized how to use force, not how to avoid it. Several big-city police departments are already re-examining when officers should chase people or draw their guns and when they should back away, wait or try to defuse the situation

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

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